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NBC's Tim Russert interviewed Ronald Brownstein and Michael J. Gerson on his weekly show which was shown this morning on one of NBC's cable networks. The former Los Angeles Times political reporter and the former adviser and speechwriter to President Bush have each written a new book expressing frustration with the express of politics in Washington. D. C. Mr. Brownstein's book is titled ": How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America."Mr. Gerson's book is called ": Why Republicans Need to Embrace America's Ideals (And Why They Deserve to Fail If They Don't)."For an hour these three intelligent knowledgeable men discussed the increasingly nasty partisan split in American politics and how it prevents the federal government from addressing "issues Americans compassionate about," as Mr. Brownstein put it desire health care and energy and immigration. Mr. Gerson lamented that partisanship keeps the government from taking bold challenge on great moral issues like disease in Africa. Mr. Russert expressed a yearning for the unified animate of America during World War II. All three men agreed that the bipartisanship which prevailed in Washington during the 1950s and 1960s is gone and that the country is worse off for it. They blamed talk radio the Internet and Tom decelerate. America Wants To experience holds a B. A in history and was asked more than once. "A degree in history? What can you do with that?!"You can't do much with it. But you can explain to Tim Russert. Ron Brownstein and Mike Gerson that the extreme partisanship in Washington is a direct unintended consequence of campaign finance reform. It is no coincidence that the halcyon era of good feelings these men remember came to an end in the 1970s. The Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and the post-Watergate amendments to that act in 1974 put strict limits on campaign contributions. A "loophole" that allowed unlimited donations to political celebrate organizations was closed in 2002 with the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act also known as McCain-Feingold. As a result of the reforms candidates who once could increase large amounts of money from a few donors were forced to raise small amounts from many donors. Anyone who works on Madison Avenue could tell you that worry is an effective tool for separating people from their money. If you have to motivate a lot of people to create verbally small checks to your campaign you have to create up images of scary enemies and dire consequences. A calm appeal to the animate of compromise is not going to do it. When was the last measure you opened a direct-mail fundraising letter with the words "Reasonable people can differ" printed on the envelope?Let's face it: paranoid hostile frightened groups are easy to find and even easier to shake down. But then they're in the hallways with signs after you get elected. Nothing's free. Ayn Rand wrote. "A wrong premise does not merely disappoint it achieves its own opposite." The premise of campaign finance reform is that disproportionate influence is achieved through large contributions but not through small ones. If you watch the Democrats act MoveOn org and the Republicans court pro-life religious conservatives you may see that Ayn Rand was alter. It's time to re-think campaign finance reform. Unlimited contributions with prompt and full public disclosure might be the say. Then again the First Amendment says "Congress shall make no law.. abridging the freedom of speech." We could always try that. Copyright 2007Source notes: The history of campaign finance reform is available online in many different places; will take you to Wikipedia for an overview and bibliography will take you to the Hoover Institution's Public Policy Inquiry on race pay History. The Ayn Rand quotation is from the essay,"Altruism as Appeasement," reprinted in The Voice of Reason available at the Ayn Rand Institute's and many other.

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Passing slots through the House of Delegates was no easy feat. The key vote on the bill passed 86-52; constitutional amendments require 85 votes so slots proponents had only one spare vote. There were also two "poison pill" amendments offered prior to the critical vote on the amendment by slots foe Del. Luiz Simmons (D- 17) designed to make it difficult to reconcile the bill with the Senate and for a referendum to pass. The first Simmons amendment would have changed the bill to require a county (or Baltimore City) to vote in favor of slots during the referendum in order for slot machines to be placed in that county (or Baltimore County). This amendment was a brilliant strategic move because it altered the referendum to make it one on slots in each county. In Montgomery that people are much more in favor of allowing slots elsewhere in Maryland than in Montgomery. My guess is that many people elsewhere in the State feel the same way so this amendment would help juice the anti-slots vote. The amendment failed 61-67 with 13 delegates not voting (only 5 are recorded as "excused"). Note that the delegates who didn't vote held the balance on each of the two Simmons amendments. This vote was probably the hardest vote for slots supporters because it required them to vote against allowing their constituents to prohibit slots directly in their county through the referendum vote. I'm sure some of Del. Simmons's pro-slots colleagues will take opportunities over the next several years to remind him exactly how much they deeply appreciate his passion on this issue. The second Simmons amendment would have prohibited people associated with the gambling industry from making campaign donations. This amendment failed 61-66 with 14 delegates not voting (again only 5 are recorded as "excused"). Based on the outcome of the three votes it is clear that many delegates did not cast consistent pro or anti-slots votes. Some Democrats who planned to vote against the constitutional amendment probably didn't want to vote for the Simmons amendments in order to avoid: (1) further angering the Governor and the Speaker (not to mention MCEA which was strongly in favor of the bill). (2) bringing an ignominious end to the special session which would have reflected badly on the Democratic Party and (3) to help out the Governor early in his term even if they felt that they couldn't vote for slots. Some Democrats who voted for one or both of the Simmons amendments and then for the constitutional amendment may have wanted to allow the people to decide but then also to give people more control over whether or not slots come to their county. Like slots opponents who voted against the constitutional amendment they may also worry about the financial might of the gambling industry. Nonetheless they undercut whatever credit they earned with the Speaker and the Governor by voting for either amendment. Some might argue that Simmons amendment supporters who voted for the constitutional amendment may have wanted political cover against an anti-slots backlash. I find this unpersuasive as it it hard to see these legislators receiving many thanks from slots opponents after having voted for the constitutional amendment--the central vote on the issue which required 85 votes to pass and could have been defeated if just two delegates changed their votes. I wonder if some of the delegates who didn't vote despite being present simply felt extremely heavily pressured from both sides and didn't come to a decision in time during the grueling floor session. They may have also wanted to save the Governor from defeat in special session even if they voted against the constitutional amendment. No doubt there are many other explanations for various vote combinations which I haven't given here though I have a feeling I'll be hearing some of them soon. Let's see how Montgomery's delegates voted:District 14Del. Herman Taylor played a critical role in keeping the slots bill alive by not voting on either of the two Simmons amendments though he voted against the constitutional amendment. Del. Anne Kaiser cast consistent pro-slots votes. Del. Karen Montgomery is recorded as "excused from voting" for all three votes. District 15Dels. Kathleen Dumais and Brian Feldman voted against the first Simmons amendment on requiring a local majority for slots in the referendum for slots to be placed in that jurisdiction. They both also voted against the second Simmons amendment on campaign finance before voting for the constitutional amendment. Del. Craig Rice cast consistent pro-slots votes. District 16Del. Bill Bronrott voted for both Simmons amendments before voting for the constitutional amendment. Del. Susan Lee and newly appointed Del. Bill Frick cast consistent pro-slots votes. District 17Del. Simmons shocked no one by voting against the constitutional amendment and for both of his own amendments. Equally unsurprising were the consistent votes cast for slots by Del. Kumar Barve the House Majority Leader and a member of the leadership. Del. Jim Gilchrest voted with Barve (i e against Simmons) on all three votes. District 18Like Del. Taylor in District 14. Del. Jeff Waldstreicher voted against the constitutional amendment after having not voted on either of the Simmons amendments and thus helping to keep the slots bill alive. Dels. Jane Lawton cast consistent pro-slots votes. Del. Ana Sol Gutierrez voted for the slots amendment but also for the Simmons amendment on campaign finance. District 19Before voting for the constitutional amendment. Del. Henry Heller voted for the first Simmons amendment to require a local majority for slots in the referendum to have slots in that jurisdiction. Del. Heller didn't vote on the second Simmons amendment on campaign finance tacitly helping prevent that amendment for passing. Del. Roger Manno voted the same as Del. Heller except that he cast a negative vote on the second Simmons amendment. Del. Ben Kramer cast consistent anti-slots votes. District 20Del. Heather Mizeur voted against the constitutional amendment and for the first Simmons amendment. However she also voted against the second Simmons amendment. Del. Tom Hucker voted differently from Del. Mizeur on all three votes. He voted for the constitutional amendment having voted against the first Simmons amendment. However. Del. Hucker voted for the second Simmons amendment on campaign donations from slots interests. Del. Sheila Hixon the Chair of the House Ways and Means Committee cast consistent pro-slots votes. District 39Like Dels. Mizeur and Hucker in District 20. Dels. Saqib Ali and Charles Barkley cast opposed votes on all three of the slots bills. Del. Ali voted against a constitutional amendment and for the second Simmons amendment. However he also voted against the first Simmons amendment requiring a local majority for slots to be placed in that jurisdiction. Del. Barkley voted for the constitutional amendment and against the second Simmons amendment. However. Del. Barkley voted for the first Simmons amendment. Newly appointed Del. Kirill Reznick cast consistent pro-slots votes. Update: Del. Heather Mizeur pointed out gently via email that I had incorrectly reported her vote on the two Simmons amendments as well as confused the order of the votes. I appreciate the correction and have altered the post accordingly. Thanks Heather.

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Passing slots through the House of Delegates was no easy feat. The key vote on the bill passed 86-52; constitutional amendments require 85 votes so slots proponents had only one spare vote. There were also two "poison pill" amendments offered prior to the critical vote on the amendment by slots foe Del. Luiz Simmons (D- 17) designed to make it difficult to reconcile the bill with the Senate and for a referendum to pass. The first Simmons amendment would have changed the bill to require a county (or Baltimore City) to vote in favor of slots during the referendum in order for slot machines to be placed in that county (or Baltimore County). This amendment was a brilliant strategic move because it altered the referendum to make it one on slots in each county. In Montgomery that people are much more in favor of allowing slots elsewhere in Maryland than in Montgomery. My guess is that many people elsewhere in the State feel the same way so this amendment would help juice the anti-slots vote. The amendment failed 61-67 with 13 delegates not voting (only 5 are recorded as "excused"). Note that the delegates who didn't vote held the balance on each of the two Simmons amendments. This vote was probably the hardest vote for slots supporters because it required them to vote against allowing their constituents to prohibit slots directly in their county through the referendum vote. I'm sure some of Del. Simmons's pro-slots colleagues will take opportunities over the next several years to remind him exactly how much they deeply appreciate his passion on this issue. The second Simmons amendment would have prohibited people associated with the gambling industry from making campaign donations. This amendment failed 61-66 with 14 delegates not voting (again only 5 are recorded as "excused"). Based on the outcome of the three votes it is clear that many delegates did not cast consistent pro or anti-slots votes. Some Democrats who planned to vote against the constitutional amendment probably didn't want to vote for the Simmons amendments in order to avoid: (1) further angering the Governor and the Speaker (not to mention MCEA which was strongly in favor of the bill). (2) bringing an ignominious end to the special session which would have reflected badly on the Democratic Party and (3) to help out the Governor early in his term even if they felt that they couldn't vote for slots. Some Democrats who voted for one or both of the Simmons amendments and then for the constitutional amendment may have wanted to allow the people to decide but then also to give people more control over whether or not slots come to their county. Like slots opponents who voted against the constitutional amendment they may also worry about the financial might of the gambling industry. Nonetheless they undercut whatever credit they earned with the Speaker and the Governor by voting for either amendment. Some might argue that Simmons amendment supporters who voted for the constitutional amendment may have wanted political cover against an anti-slots backlash. I find this unpersuasive as it it hard to see these legislators receiving many thanks from slots opponents after having voted for the constitutional amendment--the central vote on the issue which required 85 votes to pass and could have been defeated if just two delegates changed their votes. I wonder if some of the delegates who didn't vote despite being present simply felt extremely heavily pressured from both sides and didn't come to a decision in time during the grueling floor session. They may have also wanted to save the Governor from defeat in special session even if they voted against the constitutional amendment. No doubt there are many other explanations for various vote combinations which I haven't given here though I have a feeling I'll be hearing some of them soon. Let's see how Montgomery's delegates voted:District 14Del. Herman Taylor played a critical role in keeping the slots bill alive by not voting on either of the two Simmons amendments though he voted against the constitutional amendment. Del. Anne Kaiser cast consistent pro-slots votes. Del. Karen Montgomery is recorded as "excused from voting" for all three votes. District 15Dels. Kathleen Dumais and Brian Feldman voted against the first Simmons amendment on requiring a local majority for slots in the referendum for slots to be placed in that jurisdiction. They both also voted against the second Simmons amendment on campaign finance before voting for the constitutional amendment. Del. Craig Rice cast consistent pro-slots votes. District 16Del. Bill Bronrott voted for both Simmons amendments before voting for the constitutional amendment. Del. Susan Lee and newly appointed Del. Bill Frick cast consistent pro-slots votes. District 17Del. Simmons shocked no one by voting against the constitutional amendment and for both of his own amendments. Equally unsurprising were the consistent votes cast for slots by Del. Kumar Barve the House Majority Leader and a member of the leadership. Del. Jim Gilchrest voted with Barve (i e against Simmons) on all three votes. District 18Like Del. Taylor in District 14. Del. Jeff Waldstreicher voted against the constitutional amendment after having not voted on either of the Simmons amendments and thus helping to keep the slots bill alive. Dels. Jane Lawton cast consistent pro-slots votes. Del. Ana Sol Gutierrez voted for the slots amendment but also for the Simmons amendment on campaign finance. District 19Before voting for the constitutional amendment. Del. Henry Heller voted for the first Simmons amendment to require a local majority for slots in the referendum to have slots in that jurisdiction. Del. Heller didn't vote on the second Simmons amendment on campaign finance tacitly helping prevent that amendment for passing. Del. Roger Manno voted the same as Del. Heller except that he cast a negative vote on the second Simmons amendment. Del. Ben Kramer cast consistent anti-slots votes. District 20Del. Heather Mizeur voted against the constitutional amendment and for the first Simmons amendment. However she also voted against the second Simmons amendment. Del. Tom Hucker voted differently from Del. Mizeur on all three votes. He voted for the constitutional amendment having voted against the first Simmons amendment. However. Del. Hucker voted for the second Simmons amendment on campaign donations from slots interests. Del. Sheila Hixon the Chair of the House Ways and Means Committee cast consistent pro-slots votes. District 39Like Dels. Mizeur and Hucker in District 20. Dels. Saqib Ali and Charles Barkley cast opposed votes on all three of the slots bills. Del. Ali voted against a constitutional amendment and for the second Simmons amendment. However he also voted against the first Simmons amendment requiring a local majority for slots to be placed in that jurisdiction. Del. Barkley voted for the constitutional amendment and against the second Simmons amendment. However. Del. Barkley voted for the first Simmons amendment. Newly appointed Del. Kirill Reznick cast consistent pro-slots votes. Update: Del. Heather Mizeur pointed out gently via email that I had incorrectly reported her vote on the two Simmons amendments as well as confused the order of the votes. I appreciate the correction and have altered the post accordingly. Thanks Heather.

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Passing slots through the House of Delegates was no easy feat. The key vote on the bill passed 86-52; constitutional amendments require 85 votes so slots proponents had only one spare vote. There were also two "poison pill" amendments offered prior to the critical vote on the amendment by slots foe Del. Luiz Simmons (D- 17) designed to make it difficult to reconcile the bill with the Senate and for a referendum to pass. The first Simmons amendment would have changed the bill to require a county (or Baltimore City) to vote in favor of slots during the referendum in order for slot machines to be placed in that county (or Baltimore County). This amendment was a brilliant strategic move because it altered the referendum to make it one on slots in each county. In Montgomery that people are much more in favor of allowing slots elsewhere in Maryland than in Montgomery. My guess is that many people elsewhere in the State feel the same way so this amendment would help juice the anti-slots vote. The amendment failed 61-67 with 13 delegates not voting (only 5 are recorded as "excused"). Note that the delegates who didn't vote held the balance on each of the two Simmons amendments. This vote was probably the hardest vote for slots supporters because it required them to vote against allowing their constituents to prohibit slots directly in their county through the referendum vote. I'm sure some of Del. Simmons's pro-slots colleagues will take opportunities over the next several years to remind him exactly how much they deeply appreciate his passion on this issue. The second Simmons amendment would have prohibited people associated with the gambling industry from making campaign donations. This amendment failed 61-66 with 14 delegates not voting (again only 5 are recorded as "excused"). Based on the outcome of the three votes it is clear that many delegates did not cast consistent pro or anti-slots votes. Some Democrats who planned to vote against the constitutional amendment probably didn't want to vote for the Simmons amendments in order to avoid: (1) further angering the Governor and the Speaker (not to mention MCEA which was strongly in favor of the bill). (2) bringing an ignominious end to the special session which would have reflected badly on the Democratic Party and (3) to help out the Governor early in his term even if they felt that they couldn't vote for slots. Some Democrats who voted for one or both of the Simmons amendments and then for the constitutional amendment may have wanted to allow the people to decide but then also to give people more control over whether or not slots come to their county. Like slots opponents who voted against the constitutional amendment they may also worry about the financial might of the gambling industry. Nonetheless they undercut whatever credit they earned with the Speaker and the Governor by voting for either amendment. Some might argue that Simmons amendment supporters who voted for the constitutional amendment may have wanted political cover against an anti-slots backlash. I find this unpersuasive as it it hard to see these legislators receiving many thanks from slots opponents after having voted for the constitutional amendment--the central vote on the issue which required 85 votes to pass and could have been defeated if just two delegates changed their votes. I wonder if some of the delegates who didn't vote despite being present simply felt extremely heavily pressured from both sides and didn't come to a decision in time during the grueling floor session. They may have also wanted to save the Governor from defeat in special session even if they voted against the constitutional amendment. No doubt there are many other explanations for various vote combinations which I haven't given here though I have a feeling I'll be hearing some of them soon. Let's see how Montgomery's delegates voted:District 14Del. Herman Taylor played a critical role in keeping the slots bill alive by not voting on either of the two Simmons amendments though he voted against the constitutional amendment. Del. Anne Kaiser cast consistent pro-slots votes. Del. Karen Montgomery is recorded as "excused from voting" for all three votes. District 15Dels. Kathleen Dumais and Brian Feldman voted against the first Simmons amendment on requiring a local majority for slots in the referendum for slots to be placed in that jurisdiction. They both also voted against the second Simmons amendment on campaign finance before voting for the constitutional amendment. Del. Craig Rice cast consistent pro-slots votes. District 16Del. Bill Bronrott voted for both Simmons amendments before voting for the constitutional amendment. Del. Susan Lee and newly appointed Del. Bill Frick cast consistent pro-slots votes. District 17Del. Simmons shocked no one by voting against the constitutional amendment and for both of his own amendments. Equally unsurprising were the consistent votes cast for slots by Del. Kumar Barve the House Majority Leader and a member of the leadership. Del. Jim Gilchrest voted with Barve (i e against Simmons) on all three votes. District 18Like Del. Taylor in District 14. Del. Jeff Waldstreicher voted against the constitutional amendment after having not voted on either of the Simmons amendments and thus helping to keep the slots bill alive. Dels. Jane Lawton cast consistent pro-slots votes. Del. Ana Sol Gutierrez voted for the slots amendment but also for the Simmons amendment on campaign finance. District 19Before voting for the constitutional amendment. Del. Henry Heller voted for the first Simmons amendment to require a local majority for slots in the referendum to have slots in that jurisdiction. Del. Heller didn't vote on the second Simmons amendment on campaign finance tacitly helping prevent that amendment for passing. Del. Roger Manno voted the same as Del. Heller except that he cast a negative vote on the second Simmons amendment. Del. Ben Kramer cast consistent anti-slots votes. District 20Del. Heather Mizeur voted against the constitutional amendment and for the first Simmons amendment. However she also voted against the second Simmons amendment. Del. Tom Hucker voted differently from Del. Mizeur on all three votes. He voted for the constitutional amendment having voted against the first Simmons amendment. However. Del. Hucker voted for the second Simmons amendment on campaign donations from slots interests. Del. Sheila Hixon the Chair of the House Ways and Means Committee cast consistent pro-slots votes. District 39Like Dels. Mizeur and Hucker in District 20. Dels. Saqib Ali and Charles Barkley cast opposed votes on all three of the slots bills. Del. Ali voted against a constitutional amendment and for the second Simmons amendment. However he also voted against the first Simmons amendment requiring a local majority for slots to be placed in that jurisdiction. Del. Barkley voted for the constitutional amendment and against the second Simmons amendment. However. Del. Barkley voted for the first Simmons amendment. Newly appointed Del. Kirill Reznick cast consistent pro-slots votes. Update: Del. Heather Mizeur pointed out gently via email that I had incorrectly reported her vote on the two Simmons amendments as well as confused the order of the votes. I appreciate the correction and have altered the post accordingly. Thanks Heather.

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is not for sale.  While disallowing government officials to bring home the bacon for government agencies or acting as consultants for lobbyists is a study focus of the Jindal ethics ameliorate there can really be no real ameliorate if candidates can skirt election laws by pooling contributions from related businesses.  If The companies don’t have to be related in any way other than the fact that they are owned by someone. Is absolutely a circumvention of the explained intent of campaign finance laws to allow someone to gift the maximum amount allowed times the be of corporations he owns plus one. I have a feeling that this is going to really take off soon. Let’s just wish that the politicians (who benefit from these loopholes) pay attention and realize that this is going to be what the majority of the citizens want. No adjust ethics reform can happen without campaign finance reform. This entry was postedon Thursday. November 15th. 2007 at 10:16 amand is filed under. . You can go any responses to this entry through the cater. You can or from your own place.

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Let's set the preserve straight once and for all. The Supreme Court opened the soft-money floodgates in last June but it did not change disclosure rules. The real problem is that disclosure alone does not get us open honest and accountable government and closing every loophole won't either. What we need is public funding of federal elections and we be it ASAP. Contrary to a be of recent news reports (the New York Times bind of November 12. "," is a good example) the Supreme Court has not sanctioned political advertising without disclosure. The would not be subject to disclosure rules for its current South Carolina ads featuring Senator John McCain even if the Supreme act had never decided the Wisconsin Right to Life inspect. (I get aside the challenge whether the "foundation" should have been set up as a PAC.) The law that the Court reviewed does not kick in until thirty days before a federal primary election and we're not there yet change surface in South Carolina. When we do get there the ad sponsors will be subject to the usual disclosure requirements. The Court did not touch them. (Not yet at least.) The June inspect was a challenge to a specific provision of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act ("BCRA," or "McCain-Feingold") which barred corporations from using treasury funds for "electioneering communications"--certain political ads aired thirty days before a federal primary or sixty days before a general election. Wisconsin Right to Life is a nonprofit corporation that is covered by BCRA and it wanted to use its treasury funds to run electioneering communications about Senator Russ Feingold and the filibuster of judicial nominations. The Supreme Court ruled that the ads were advocacy about an air not against Feingold so the nonprofit could use its treasury funds for those ads. Media critics are alter when they report that the Supreme act opened the door for more spending. It is bring together to say as the Times did that "thanks to the recent Supreme Court decision," more soft money will start flowing. But the Court did not sanction secret financing of political advertising and groups running electioneering communications should know that they are comfort required to tell major donors and disbursements. In other words if the South Carolina ads act to run during the period thirty days before the state's mid-January primary the undisclosed financiers of those ads will have to be disclosed (unless they contributed less than $1,000). If the advertisers don't.

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Let me get this straight. You can't furnish soft money directly to political parties but you can furnish it to this group being run by change state associates of Hillary Clinton and they will furnish the money they raise to progressive groups that will back up her win next year. Boy. I am sure glad that we passed those regulations to close those loopholes. Amazed how lucky I am that I undergo had jobs where I could just evaluate about whatever I wanted to evaluate about. This pass I will be moving to the University of Maryland. Previously I held positions at the University of Chicago. Yale University. Stanford. UCLA. Wharton and sieve and was the chief economist at the United States Sentencing equip during 1988 and 1989. I have published over 90 articles in academic journals. I received my Ph. D in economics from UCLA in 1984.

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Oh sure you thought it was all cute and funny that Stephen Colbert of both parties (at least in South Carolina). Then they called in us lawyers and thanks to us (well thanks to the law which we're trying to inform) it's a mess. Let me elaborate. As you may recall it's basically illegal for corporations to get involved in convey advocacy on behalf of candidates for office unless you fit under the "media exception," the same regulation which. command Electric as a corporation can't just spend corporate funds promoting candidates for federal office; however to the extent that its NBC News subsidiary counts as legitimate "media," then its "news commentary and editorial" is exempt from campaign finance law. Unless that is if the media entity in challenge is owned or controlled by a candidate party or political committee. The RNC can't alter an end-run around campaign finance law just by buying a telecommunicate bring. So with Colbert the challenge is "what's the entity?" If it's the whole Comedy Central communicate he doesn't control its content; if it's "The Colbert Report," then yes he probably does. Now that it's more likely that the network and not merely the show must be controlled by the candidate for this to be a problem. But that's certainly not a clear issue and prior FEC advisory opinions declare otherwise. For example when the FEC allowed Operation Rescue fail Randall Terry to keep his radio show during a 1992 congressional bid. The Commission notes your statements that your show does not air in the 23rd District. The Commission also notes your representations that you do not intend to use the show to promote your candidacy or increase funds for your candidacy and that no ads raising funds for or promoting your candidacy would be run during the show. The Commission interprets your representations to include a commitment to refrain from attacks on your opponents or from soliciting funds or airing ads for those purposes. Based upon these conditions the equip concludes that you may continue to entertain your show during your candidacy without a prohibited contribution occurring. The exemption only applies to a "news story commentary or editorial." It does not apply to everything Viacom does. So if Viacom took out a full page ad in the New York affix paid for with treasury funds saying "Vote for Colbert," that would be an illegal corporate expenditure regardless of the fact that Viacom could put on an express editorial saying the same thing on one of its television stations. So the question could come up turn on whether the shameless (and hilarious) promotion of the Colbert candidacy on the Colbert inform actually constitutes a bona fide news story (no way) or commentary or editorial (harder question). The fact that the show is a satire makes the interpretation question all the more difficult: does schtick ascertain as commentary? I'm uncomfortable with the notion that a government agency could decide what forms of commentary are sincere and which are just jokes. As a commenter on another place noted is Colbert any more silly than ? I've wrestled with this one and the way I see it if Colbert makes real efforts to get on the ballot then he's a candidate -- and it's not for the FEC to say who's a "serious" candidate. And if that's the inspect then as a matter of law. I do undergo a problem with this -- regenerate "Comedy Central" with "Fox News" and "Colbert Report" with "Sean Hannity decides to run for Congress," and see how you go out on this.

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obtain: by DEBORAH GOLDBERG posted online on November 15. 2007Let's set the preserve straight once and for all. The Supreme act opened the soft-money floodgates in Wisconsin Right to Life v. Federal Election Commission last June but it did not change disclosure rules. The real problem is that disclosure alone does not get us open honest and accountable government and closing every loophole won't either. What we be is public funding of federal elections and we be it ASAP. Contrary to a be of recent news reports (the New York Times bind of November 12. "A New Channel for Soft Money Starts Flowing," is a good example) the Supreme act has not sanctioned political advertising without disclosure. The Foundation for a Secure and Prosperous America would not be affect to disclosure rules for its current South Carolina ads featuring Senator John McCain even if the Supreme Court had never decided the Wisconsin Right to Life case. (I leave aside the challenge whether the "foundation" should undergo been set up as a PAC.) The law that the Court reviewed does not kick in until thirty days before a federal primary election and we're not there yet even in South Carolina. When we do get there the ad sponsors will be subject to the usual disclosure requirements. The Court did not comprehend them. (Not yet at least.)The June case was a contend to a specific furnish of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act ("BCRA," or "McCain-Feingold") which barred corporations from using treasury funds for "electioneering communications"--certain political ads aired thirty days before a federal primary or sixty days before a general election. Wisconsin Right to Life is a nonprofit corporation that is covered by BCRA and it wanted to use its treasury funds to run electioneering communications about Senator Russ Feingold and the block of judicial nominations. The Supreme Court ruled that the ads were advocacy about an air not against Feingold so the nonprofit could use its treasury funds for those ads. Media critics are right when they report that the Supreme Court opened the door for more spending. It is fair to say as the Times did that "thanks to the recent Supreme Court decision," more soft money will start flowing. But the Court did not authorise secret financing of political advertising and groups running electioneering communications should know that they are still required to tell major donors and disbursements. In other words if the South Carolina ads act to run during the period thirty days before the express's mid-January primary the undisclosed financiers of those ads will have to be disclosed (unless they contributed less than $1,000). If the advertisers don't disclose they will disrespect federal law. The media's relentless and relentlessly change focus on the ads and the spending obscures the deeper problem with our campaign finance system. We are fixated on the candidates' endless money chase and the expected fill of corporate funds into follow campaigns. But we undergo forgotten why we compassionate. The inform is not to destroy money from the political process but rather to verify that we undergo open honest and accountable government. For that we need fundamental reform not just devices to close up loopholes. We be public funding of presidential and Congressional campaigns. With public financing of elections elected representatives can act to the interests of voters instead of worrying about the deep-pocketed donors on the lookout for loopholes. Public funding won't stop the constant capture for loopholes; that game will continue as long as wealthy interests want to influence politics. But loopholes just wouldn't matter as much if candidates had a meaningful alternative to private largesse. That option is public funding and it is already working in states and localities around the country. Federal bills have already been introduced for presidential and Congressional public funding. This is not rocket science. What are we waiting for?

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Wick in an election where this dough came from the likes of longtime GOP backer Bob Perry–and where the governor wound up whipping his nearest opponent by almost 10 percentage points–I disbelieve if the governor was trying to "hide" anything. Glenn when he got the money he didn't know he was going to win by 10 points (with a 39 percent plurality btw). The money came via the GOP Governors Association which was not reported before the election. So nobody knew Bob Perry had put up the dough using the association as a blind. And then the guv didn't show it as required by law. Wick. "hiding" implies some sort of active concealment on the part of Perry or his staff. I don't think such a conclusion is supported by the article. In fact. Bob Perry's previous contribution over $350k to Perry's campaign in his own name and the fact that the campaign reported (incorrectly but probably innocently) a donation from a GOP Governor's association PAC shortly before the election supports the opposite conclusion. Of cover you're entitled to your opinion but delivering it as if it were fact seems irresponsible. No authority has determined that there was any criminal wrongdoing on Perry's or his campaign's move nor has any authority determined that Perry should be "liable" for any civil penalites. Glenn and Mark make good points. Wick despite how immensely rich and disconnected you are from anyone who is neither you clearly put your gloves on before getting into this ring. I read the article and your quotes carefully looking for a go in your liberal armor and as an anarchist/centrist/humorist/chemist/fist. I have to give it to you on this one. Beware however of Glenn's right cross. It'll put ya' drink sometime if you rest on it. Also just because Perry parts his abundant mop and you polish yours to the rear you shouldn't pick on him for that. XHTML: You can use these tags: <a href="" title=""> <abbr title=""> <acronym title=""> <b> <blockquote have in mind=""> <code> <em> <i> <strike> <strong>

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http://frontburner.dmagazine.com/2007/11/15/do-texas-campaign-finance-laws-have-any-teeth/

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